[Public Diplomacy] Can networks of local governments challenge the rise of cross-border neo-populism? (Part 1/8)

On this series: This blog post belongs to a series under the title and leading question „Can networks of local governments challenge the rise of cross-border neo-populism?“. The complete series are my contribution to an edited volume by Dr. Agata Rogoś, postdoctoral research fellow at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. Agata’s Edited volume’s working title is „Permeability of dispossession / Dispossession of borders“. In accordance with her, I publish my contribution on my personal homepage, prior to the finalization of the book. The final version may still change, whether due to further copy editing and proofreading, or regarding the unclear and unforeseeable course of events and political circumstances in Europe, in the Western Balkans, and in Turkey. Yet, I believe that the phenomenon of cross-border neo-populism, as in the given case of Bosnia and Turkey, will not disappear any time soon. The complete list of references will be included in the first and in the last contribution of this series, which consists of eight single sections.

Introduction

In this contribution, I will discuss the possibilities and limits of town twinnings, city diplomacy and coalitions of mayors as possible solutions to the global rise of populism and neo-populism. I will focus the case of Turkish-Bosnian (Bosniak) town twinnings, which will be called sibling cities throughout the text: this metaphore better responds to the Turkish notion of kardeş şehir, the Bosnian notion pobratimlja, and the asymmetrical relationship of these arrangements. These recent forms of town twinnings are deviant from many other, well-known examples — mainly for being dominated by authoritarian, right-wing and neo-populist actors. Populism, despite being a global trend, is often perceived as a phenomenon that occurs inside a given nation-state. However, cross-border coalitions of municipalities between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Turkey together form a polity beyond the level of national governments; at once, they remain being heavily shaped by the latter. Alongside with this phenomenon, a new form of cross-border neo-populism is emerging: unlike „classical“ populism, neo-populism addresses more than one populus (people).

According to Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, populism is a „buzzword of the 21^st century“ (Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2017), and the French historian Pierre Rosanvallon has even proclaimed a “century of populism” (siècle du populisme) in his most recent monograph from 2020 (Rosanvallon 2020). But despite the speed and the intensity of its venture, the unfolding of Turkish-Bosniak cross-border neo-populism is rather neglected in the ever-growing thickness of scholarship on populism, town twinnings, Bosniak-Turkish public diplomacy, and city diplomacy. Yet, the scarcity (or inexistence) of studies treating neo-populism as a distinctive phenomenon that differs from nation-state centred populism, I argue, does not necessarily imply that it doesn’t exist or that its significance and relevance were neglectable. Hence, some of Turkish-Bosniak neo-populism’s most important commonalities with and differences from populism, as most prominently understood, need to be demonstrated in this contribution.

_{At the entrance to the famous Galatasaray Lycée in Istanbul-Beyoğlu, the Erbakan Vakfı (Foundation) announces: „The Islamic Union will be founded with your light [enlightenment]“. Necmettin Erbakan, here portrayed in proximity to Sultan Abdülhamid II., is seen as the spiritus rector of Turkey’s current, populist president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Late Erbakan (d. 2011) was not only a leading political figure of various Islamist parties and short-time Prime Minister of Turkey (1996-1997), but most importantly, the co-founder and key figure of Millî Görüş („National Outlook“). Millî Görüş is a religious-political movement with strong nationalist traits. While Nationalist-Islamist, it also contains a strong tendency to transgress the national borders of Turkey. The Turkish regime’s Sendungsbewusstsein (sense of mission or, perhaps, „mission civilisatrice„) behind the recent cross-border initiatives of cultural diplomacy in the post-Ottoman realm cannot be understood without taking into consideration the role of these and numerous similar, Islamist Turkish organizations, movements and actors in the Balkans. Picture by Thomas Schad (taken in 2016).}

But why should local governments and their coalitions be in the spotlight? Why and how should politicians at the local level be able to challenge state-level populism? These questions arise from the observation that the municipal (local) level often seems to be a promissing and fertile ground for non- or anti-populist policies, as some examples from Europe and Turkey shall show.

Throughout 2019 and 2020, nearly 140 German municipalities have repeatedly signaled their capacities and committment to host refugees — anathema to the country’s right-wing populist parties. But what seemed to be arrangeable with the electorate at the local level, was apparantly inacceptable to the federal government, whose representatives thwarted the German mayors‘ offer. In the German context, these municipalities‘ signals can be understood as a liberal pushback against the rise of the nativist, populist party AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) in the public opinion, which had gained momentum following the influx of refugees in the years 2015-2016 (“Geflüchtete an griechisch-türkischer Grenze” 2020).

Another example for resistance against populism came from Warsaw, Prague, Bratislava, and Budapest: these four capitals have signed the „Pact of Free Cities“ in December 2019, demanding the EU to bypass their populist (and allegedly corrupt) national governments in the allocation of funds (Öney 2019; Tamkin 2020) – a discussion which also resonates in the November 2020 veto of Hungary and Poland against the EU budget and coronavirus recovery plan (Boffey 2020; „Hallo, Diktator“, 2020).

A third example of pressure onto state level populism exerted by local politicians comes from Turkey. Even though it remains highly questionable how liberal the Turkish oppositional Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi/ henceforth: CHP) really is, many burnt out Turkish voters have praised the results of the 2019 municipal elections as a sign of liberal relaxation (Duran 2019). The simple slogan „Everything will be beautiful“ (Her şey güzel olacak) by Ekrem İmamoğlu from the CHP („İmamoğlu’na yumruk,“ 2019) led him win the forcibly repeated Istanbul mayoral election twice, which was interpreted as a strong expression of the electorate’s fatigue with the nearly two-decade long experience with the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi / henceforth: AKP) (Öney 2019). Conflating İmamoğlu’s victory and the statement of the Central European mayors‘ alliance, Turkish analyst Sezin Öney raised the following question:

Can local governments and municipal leaders counter centralized, majoritarian populist national governments by creating an alternative “spaces to breathe” for politics? And if, in other cases, if populist movements are not in power, can local governments create a viable alternative against the rise of populist movements?

(Öney 2019)

Öney’s questions shall deserve a deeper investigation in this contribution, and be readdressed in the conclusion.

Departing from European and transatlantic, post World War II town twinnings, municipal coalitions are by far not a very recent undertaking. But while the town twinnings from the After-WWII period are mostoften perceived as liberal projects, aiming at bridging and reconciliating historical conflicts – many of the Turkish-Bosnian sibling city-arrangements are heavily shaped by illiberal, identitarian actors, both from Turkey and Bosnia-Herzegovina.^[1] Secondly, the vagueness of the notion of populism deserves discussion: populism is often applied to right-wing and left-wing movements – hence, it can’t be taken for granted that the above quoted slogan by İmamoğlu was per se anti-populist or non-populist, just because he opposed the strongly identitarian, right-wing populist regime represented by the Turkish ruling party AKP; nor should his oviously popular slogan lead to the premature conclusion that he and his party are „left-wing“.

All these questions will be discussed throughout this article, which evolved out of a blog contribution from January 2020 (Schad 2020), and which is based on material collected during the field research (2013-2019) for my doctoral thesis (which was defended in 2020; cf. Schad 2015; 2018; 2019). Amongst others, the material basis consists of my year-long monitoring of the development of Turkish-Bosniak public diplomacy, its speech acts and activities, and the reactions of public opinion makers in Turkey and the Western Balkans. The main sources used here are newspaper articles, secondary literature, own photography, pop-cultural products, ethnographic interviews, and public speech acts.

Overwiew of the subsequent chapters:

• In Chapter 2, this contribution explores some of the most important findings and gaps in the existing secondary literature;
• Chapter 3 will offer an outline of the territorial-administrative infrastructure of Turkey;
• In Chapter 4, a brief summary of the illiberal framework for Turkish municipalities‘ scope of action complements the Turkish administrative structures;
• In Chapter 5, I will demonstrate how both together form the institutional ground for the development of Turkish-Bosniak sibling cities in the AKP era: a phenomenon which is deeply – and often in a contradictory way – interwoven with the context of Balkan immigrants‘ (muhacir) activities in their former homelands;
• In Chapter 6, some of the Turkish ruling regime’s activities in the Balkans will demonstrate its sense of mission — a Sendungsbewusstsein or mission civilisatrice (medeniyetçi) in its own regard — which follows a revisionist narrative of „re-appropriation of our forefathers‘ lands“;
• Chapter 7 will show that the Turkish ruling regime’s institutions follow the pattern of a mixed gift economy, which besides hard, monetary currencies is strongly leaning on culture, religion, and tropes of the family-system – and in which two main items of trade are at stake: first, what Marcel Mauss (Mauss 1966) has called Renommiergeld (i.e., bragging money / prestige), and secondly, the promise of security;
• However, as Chapter 8 (Tribute to the sultan: the disinvitation of Orhan Pamuk by Sarajevo) will discuss, the „trade agreement“ between the unequal, figurative siblings as trading partners shows frictions and tensions;
• In Chapter 9 (the conclusion — soon to be added), I will readdress the leading question on the possibilities and limits of town twinnings as possible counter-actors of cross-border neo-populism and wrap-up some of neo-populism’s main features – in an overall, global context that late sociologist Ulrich Beck had couched in the metaphore of the metamorphosis of the world (Beck 2016).

Read in the next blog post more about Turkish-Bosnian sibling cities and a semantic problem with ‚populism‘

Chapter 2

---

Recommended form of citation

Schad, Thomas. (2021) ‚Can networks of local governments challenge the rise of cross-border neo-populism?‘ ( = Part 1 of the series under the same title), Inkubator Metamorph, 22 June. Available at: https://thomasschad.wordpress.com/2021/06/22/public-diplomacy-can-networks-of-local-governments-challenge-the-rise-of-cross-border-neo-populism/ (Accessed: Date of access)

Footnotes

[1] It is important to mention that there are also town twinnings between Russian and Bosnian-Serb municipalities, which for reasons of length can’t be analyzed in this contribution.

---

Acknowledgements

I thank Serhan Şahin and Eva Schmidt for their patience and valuable comments on draft versions of this paper.

---

References

• „Ata yadigârlarımıza sahip çıkacağız“, Official homepage of AKPARTİ, URL: https://www.akparti.org.tr/ (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „Bereket konvoyu 10. kez Balkan yollarında“, official homepage of Bayrampaşa Belediyesi [municipality], 2015. URL: http://www.bayrampasa.bel.tr/icerik.asp?is=0q11223q10q10q10q10q10q1hadq1qpis (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „Bilal’e anlatır gibi anlatmak”, Susma24 (2020, June 22), URL: https://susma24.com/bilale-anlatir-gibi-anlatmak-artik-yasak/ (last retrieved: 9.7.2021).
• „Bosna Hersek’te toplu sünnet düğünü“, Anadolu Ajansı (2015, May 30), URL: https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/dunya/bosna-hersekte-toplu-sunnet-dugunu/41799 (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „CHP’li Berhan Şimşek: Valilerin iktidarın değil, devletin valisi olması gerektiğini hatırlattım“, T24 (2021, January 29). URL: https://t24.com.tr/haber/chp-li-berhan-simsek-valilerin-iktidarin-degil-devletin-valisi-olmasi-gerektigini-hatirlattim,929689 (last retrieved 29.1.2021).
• „European Coalition of Cities against Racism“, Homepage of the European Coalition of Cities against Racism (ECCAR), URL: https://www.eccar.info/?fbclid=IwAR2NNkhGwoHEiWaxKOuOs4LJ540pAYSbBLwkvPwuF9yyT23FiDXC6rZm1vg (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „Geflüchtete an griechisch-türkischer Grenze: Tausende fordern in Berlin Öffnung der EU-Grenzen für Geflüchtete, Rbb24 (2020, March 3), URL: https://www.rbb24.de/politik/beitrag/2020/03/demonstration-berlin-oeffnung-eu-grenzen-gefluechtete-seebruecke-kanzleramt.html (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• Wech, M. (2020). „Hallo, Diktator“ – Orbán, die EU und die Rechtsstaatlichkeit, ZDF/ARTE (Documentary), URL: https://www.arte.tv/de/videos/099755-000-A/hallo-diktator/ (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „HDP’nin Türkiyelileşmesi iktidarı endişelendiriyor“, in: İleri Haber (2018, June 16), URL: https://ilerihaber.org/icerik/hdpnin-turkiyelilesmesi-iktidari-endiselendiriyor-86572.html (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „İki Devlet Bir Haber“, Official Homepage, URL: https://ikidevletbirhaber.com/ (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „İmamoğlu’na yumruk sıktıran genç: Ekrem abi, her şey güzel olacak abi…“, Diken (2019, April 16), URL: http://www.diken.com.tr/imamogluna-yumruk-siktiran-genc-ekrem-abi-her-sey-guzel-olacak-abi/ (last retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• „Türk Dünyası Belediyeler Birliği kardeş şehir / El kitabı“, Homepage of Türk Dünyası Belediyeler Birliği kardeş şehir, URL: http://www.tdbb.org.tr/tdbb/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/kardessehirelkitabi.pdf (last retrieved: 12.9.2017).
• „Turkey and the EU 2018“, Homepage of The EU External Action Service (EEAS) (2018, August 31), URL: https://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/turkey_en/49963/Turkey%20and%20the%20EU (26.1.2021).
• Turkey: Kurdish Mayors’ Removal Violates Voters’ Rights. Homepage of Human Rights Watch (2020, February 7), URL: https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/02/07/turkey-kurdish-mayors-removal-violates-voters-rights (26.1.2021).
• „Türkiye Balkanlar’daki Osmanlı Yadigârı Eserlere Sahip Çıkıyor“, Official Homepage of TİKA, URL: https://www.tika.gov.tr/tr/haber/turkiye_balkanlar_daki_osmanli_yadigari_eserlere_sahip_cikiyor-33056 (last retrieved 26.1.2021).
• „Uz sevdalinke, kafu i rahatlokum otvoren obnovljeni Baščaršijski trg“, in: Klix.ba (2015, December 24), URL: https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/bih/uz-sevdalinke-kafu-i-rahatlokum-otvoren-obnovljeni-bascarsijski-trg/151224025 (last retrieved 26.1.2021).
• “Bizim gönül coğrafyamız sadece Anadolu ile sınırlı olmamalı”, Official Homepage of Diyanet (2019, March 12), URL: https://www.diyanet.gov.tr/de-DE/institutionellen/Detail/24437 (last retrieved 26.1.2021).
• Altınay, A. G. (2004). The Myth of the Military-Nation. Militarism, Gender, and Education in Turkey. New York/Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Austin, J. L. (1962). How to Do Things With Words. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Ayata, B. (2015, November 4). «Die Türkei könnte bald selbst wieder Flüchtlinge produzieren». TagesWoche, URL: https://tageswoche.ch/form/interview/die-tuerkei-koennte-bald-selbst-wieder-fluechtlinge-produzieren/ (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Balkan, N.; Balkan, E. & A. Öncü. (Eds.) (2015). The Neoliberal Landscape and the Rise of Islamist Capital in Turkey. New York/Oxford: Berghahn.
• Baser, B. & Lewicki, A. (2017, April 11). The Turkish referendum thwarts civil rights struggles – in Europe and in Turkey. PolicyBristol Hub (Research and policy in dialogue), URL: https://policybristol.blogs.bris.ac.uk/2017/04/11/the-turkish-referendum-thwarts-civil-rights-struggles-in-europe-and-in-turkey/ (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Baser, B. & Öztürk, A. (2020). L’autoritarisme extraterritorial. France Forum No. 76, April, pp. 25-26.
• Baser, B. & Öztürk, A. (2020). Positive and Negative Diaspora Governance in Context: From Public Diplomacy to Transnational Authoritarianism. Middle East Critique (Online), URL: https://doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2020.1770449 (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Batuman, E. (2014, February 10). Ottomania. The New Yorker (Online), URL: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/02/17/ottomania (last retrieved 10.10.2017).
• Bayraklı, E. & F. Hafez (Eds.) (2017). European Islamophobia Report 2016. Istanbul: SETA, pp. 11-27.
• Bechev, D. (2012). A Very Long Engagement: Turkey in the Balkans. In: Öktem, K. / Kadıoğlu, A. & M. Karlı (Eds.). Another Empire? A Decade of Turkey’s Foreign Policy under the Justice and Development Party, pp. 209-228. Istanbul: Bilgi University Press.
• Beck, U. (2016). The Metamorphosis of the World. Cambridge/Malden: Polity Press.
• Boffey, D. (2020, November 16). EU faces crisis as Hungary and Poland veto seven-year budget. The Guardian, URL: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/nov/16/eu-hungary-veto-budget-viktor-orban (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Bora, T. & M. Gültekingil (Eds.) (2009). Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce (Volume 9): Dönemler ve Zihniyetler. Istanbul: İletişim.
• Bora, T. & B. Şen. (2009). Saklı Bir Ayrışma Ekseni: Rumeliler-Anadolulular. „Suyun Öte Tarafından Gelen“… In: Bora, T. & M. Gültekingil. (Eds.) (2009). Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce (Volume 9): Dönemler ve Zihniyetler, pp. 1149-1163. Istanbul: İletişim.
• Bora, T. Medeniyet Denen… In: Birikim (2015, January 21). URL: http://www.birikimdergisi.com/haftalik/1351/medeniyet-denen#.W3ILiF4yVO0 (last retrieved 14.8.2018).
• Bougarel, X. (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Surviving Empires. New York: Bloomsbury.
• Bulaç, A. (1992). Medine vesikası hakkında genel bilgiler (Ahmet İnsel’in „Totalitarizm, Medine Vesikası ve Özgürlük“ adlı yazısına cevaben). Birikim Dergisi, No. 37 (May 1992). n.p.
• Burksiene V., Dvorak J. & G. Burbulytė-Tsiskarishvili. (2020). City Diplomacy in Young Democracies: The Case of the Baltics. In: Amiri S. & E. Sevin. (Eds). City Diplomacy. [Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy]. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Castles, S. (2007). Migration and Social Transformation [Inaugural Lecture for the Migration Studies Unit (MSU), LSE]. (2007, November 15). URL: https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/c86a/ab9d25bd7ebf1acd14a8ff4c4f3c9397955c.pdf (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Danış, D. & A. Parla. (2009). Nafile soydaşlık: Irak ve Bulgaristan Türkleri örneğinde göçmen, dernek ve devlet. In: Toplum ve Bilim, Vol. 114, pp. 131-158.
• Davutoğlu, A. (2014). Foreword: Civilizational Revival in the Global Age. In: Dallmayr, F. / Kayapınar, M. & İ Yaylacı. (Eds.). Civilizations and World Order: Geopolitics and Cultural Difference (pp. vii-xii). Lanham (et al.): Lexington Books.
• Davutoğlu, A. (2014). Stratejik Derinlik. Türkiye’nin Uluslararası Konumu. Istanbul: Küre Yayınları.
• Davutoğlu, A. (2016). Medeniyetler ve Şehirler. İstanbul: Küre Yayınları.
• Delaney, C. (1991). The Seed and the Soil. Gender and Cosmology in Turkish Village Society. Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University of California Press.
• Delaney, C. (1995). Father State, Motherland, and the Birth of Modern Turkey. In: Yanagisako, S. & C. Delaney. (Eds.). Naturalizing Power. Essays in Feminist Cultural Analysis, pp. 177-199. New York/London: Routledge.
• Demir, A. (2014). Svaki Bosanac treba da prihvati tursku kao svoju kuću. In: Zambak (2014, February 11). URL: http://www.zambak.ba/svaki-bosanac-treba-da-prihvati-tursku-kao-svoju-ku263-u-3299h.htm (last retrieved 22.7.2017).
• Demir, A. (2014). Yazıklar Olsun…, in: Yeni Akit (2014, January 13), URL: https://www.yeniakit.com.tr/yazarlar/ayhan-demir/yaziklar-olsun-4426.html (retrieved 26.1.2021).
• Demirtaş, B. (2020). Reconsidering Dilemmas of Turkey’s Foreign Policy: The Case of the Balkans. In: Hagemann, C. (Ed.). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey, pp. 73-83. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Douglas, M. (1986). How Institutions Think. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.
• Dündar, F. (2018). How Migration Institutions „Think“?: The Ottoman-Turkish Case. Anatoli 9 (Fall 2018), pp. 169-187.
• Duran, H. (2019). Populism on the Rise in Turkey. Politics Today. URL: https://politicstoday.org/populism-on-the-rise-in-turkey/ (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Edwards, M. & M. Colborne. (2019). Turkey’s gift of a mosque sparks fears of ‘neo-Ottomanism’ in Kosovo. The Guardian (2019, January 2). URL: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/jan/02/turkey-is-kosovo-controversy-over-balkan-states-new-central-mosque (retrieved 26.1.2021).
• Elias, N. & J.L. Scotson. (2013). Etablierte und Außenseiter. Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag.
• Flood, A. (2018, February 20). Pressure from Turkey blamed as Sarajevo reverses decision to honour Orhan Pamuk. The Guardian. URL: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2018/feb/20/sarajevo-reverses-decision-to-make-orhan-pamuk-honorary-citizen-turkey-erdogan (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Gupta, A., Nugent, D. & S. Sreenath. (2015). State, corruption, postcoloniality: A conversation with Akhil Gupta on the 20th anniversary of „Blurred Boundaries“. American Ethnologist, Vol. 00, No. 0, pp. 1-11.
• Hagemann, C. (Ed.) (2020). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Hake, M. (2020). Economic Relations between Southeast Europe and Turkey – A Gordian Knot or Loose Ties? In: Hagemann, C. (Ed.). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey, pp. 14-28. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Halimović, Dženana (2016). Veze Ankare i Sarajeva: Emocije sa malo investicija. Radio Slobodna Evropa (2016, July 18), URL: https://www.slobodnaevropa.org/a/veze-ankare-i-sarajeva-emocije-sa-malo-investicija/27865444.html (retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• Hansen, S. (2017). Reading Erdogan’s Ambitions in Turkey’s New Mosques. The New York Times. (2017, June 14), URL: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/14/magazine/reading-erdogans-ambitions-in-turkeys-new-mosques.html (last retrieved 14.10.2020).
• Henig, D. (2019). Economic Theologies of Abundance Halal Exchange and the Limits of Neoliberal Effects in Post war Bosnia Herzegovina. Ethnos, 84:2, pp. 223-240.
• Henley, J. (2017). Analysis: Why is Erdoğan picking a fight with the EU over the Turkish referendum? The Guradian (2017, March 14). URL: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/14/turkish-sanctions-bizarre-as-netherlands-has-more-to-be-angry-about-dutch-pm (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Hersant, J. & A. Toumarkine. (2005 [2009]). Hometown organisations in Turkey: an overview. In: European Journal of Turkish Studies [Online], (February 2005, online from 22 July 2009). URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ejts/397 (last retrieved 16.2.2020).
• Idiz, S. (2015). Erdogan uses refugee issue for his own benefit in EU. Al-Monitor (2015, October 6). URL: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/10/turkey-syria-european-union-refugees-raise-erdogan-profile.html# (last retrieved 26.2.2016).
• Interview (anonymous) in Bayrampaşa, 2015.
• Kafkasyalı. M. S. (Ed.) (2016). Balkanlarda Islam. Miadi Dolmayan Umut [Islam in the Balkans. Unexpired Hope]. Cilt 5: Köprüler Yıkan Zihniyetin Yıkılışı [Demolishing Mentality Which Demolishes Bridges]. Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Türk İşbirliği ve Koordinasyon Ajansı Başkanlığı.
• Kahrović-Posavljak, A. (2014). Dova za neosultana. BH Dani 865 (2014, January 10), URL: https://www.bhdani.ba/portal/clanak/865/turske-organizacije-u-bih/dova-za-neosultana (last retrieved 17.8.2017).
• Kaya, A. & A. Tecmen. (2011). The Role of Common Cultural Heritage in External Promotion of Modern Turkey: Yunus Emre Cultural Centres. Working Paper No: 4 EU/4/2011, Bilgi University Istanbul (European Institute Jean Monnet Center Center of Excellence). URL: http://eu.bilgi.edu.tr/media/files/working-paper4_2.pdf (last retrieved: 26.1.2015)
• Khorchide, M. (2020). Sind wir nicht schon längst auf den Politischen Islam hereingefallen? Die Presse (2020, November 17), URL: https://www.diepresse.com/5898835/sind-wir-nicht-schon-langst-auf-den-politischen-islam-hereingefallen?fbclid=IwAR1ALme_24rGCliKjQc9jLoSdydEgzfupVvyekEF-dc0PAs2L2FLbpvycwk (last retrieved 22.11.2020).
• Kurtoğlu, A. (2004). Hemşehrilik ve Şehirde Siyaset. Keçiören Örneği. İstanbul: İletişim.
• Kurtoğlu, A. (2005). Mekansal Bir Olgu Olarak Hemşehrilik ve Bir Hemşehrilik Mekanı Olarak Dernekler. In: European Journal of Turkish Studies [online] 2/2005, URL : http://ejts.revues.org/375 (last retrieved 10.7.2014).
• Kutlu, M. (2016). Türkiye düşerse Bosna da düşer. Yeni Akit (2016, April 25), URL: https://www.yeniakit.com.tr/haber/turkiye-duserse-bosna-da-duser-165786.html (last retrieved 26.1.2021).
• Laclau, E. (2005). On Populist Reason. London/New York: Verso.
• Lakoff, G. & M. Johnson. (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press.
• Langenohl, A. (2015). Town Twinning, Transnational Connections, and Trans-local Citizenship Practices in Europe. Houndmills (UK): Palgrave Macmillan.
• Latal, S. & H. F. Büyük. (2020). Political Influence in Southeast Europe in Current Turkish Foreign Policy. In: Hagemann, C. (Ed.). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey, pp. 29-45. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell.
• Lévi-Strauss, C. (1962) La pensée sauvage. Paris: Plon.
• Lewicki, A. (2017). Islamophobie in Deutschland 2016. Istanbul: SETA.
• Lewicki, A. (2017). Germany. In: Bayraklı, E. & F. Hafez. (Eds.). European Islamophobia Report 2016, pp. 213-236. Istanbul: SETA.
• Lippmann, W. (2009 [1922]): Public Opinion. New Brunswick/London: Transaction Publishers.
• Maurer, B. 2001. Engineering an Islamic Future: Speculations on Islamic Financial Alternatives. Anthropology Today, 17(1): pp. 8–11.
• Mauss, M. (1966). The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies. London: Cohen & West LTD.
• Mittermaier, A. (2013). Trading with God: Islam, Calculation, Excess. In: Boddy, J. & M. Lambek. (Eds.). A Companion to the Anthropology of Religion, pp. 274–293. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell.
• Mittermaier, A. (2019). Giving to God: Islamic Charity in Revolutionary Times. Oakland: University of California Press.
• Mouffe, C. (2018). For a Left Populism. London/New York: Verso.
• Mouffe, C. (2020, May). The controversy over left-wing populism. Le Monde Diplomatique (English). URL: https://mondediplo.com/2020/05/14populism (last retrieved 18.10.2020).
• Mudde, C. & C. Rovira Kaltwasser. (2017). Populism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Muhasilovic, J. (2018). Turkey’s Faith-based Diplomacy in the Balkans. Public Diplomacy of Rising and Regional Powers, Volume 3 (December), Issue 3, pp. 63-85.
• Mujadzevic, D. (2020). Pro-Turkish activism and media in Bosnia and Herzegovina (2002-2015). In: Hagemann, C. (Ed.). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey, pp. 97-104. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Nordhausen, F. (2020). Erdogans scheinheiliger Anti-Rassismus. Gegenblende Debattenmagazin (2020, June 25). URL: https://gegenblende.dgb.de/artikel/++co++06b430d4-b6ca-11ea-a29c-52540088cada (last retrieved 26.6.2020).
• Nuhanović, H. (2017). Turci, Srbi, Holandija i genocid u Srebrenici. In: N1 (2017, March 13), URL: http://ba.n1info.com/a142801/Kolumne/Turci-Srbi-Holandija-i-genocid-u-Srebrenici.html (last retrieved 29.1.2018).
• Nye, J. S. (2008). Public Diplomacy and Soft Power. In: ANNALS, AAPSS, 616, March 2008, pp. 94-109.
• Öktem, K. (2012). Global Diyanet and Multiple Networks: Turkey’s New Presence in the Balkans. In: Journal of Muslims in Europe, Vol. 1, Issue 1, pp. 27-58.
• Öktem, K. (2014). Turkey’s New Diaspora Policy: The Challenge of Inclusivity, Outreach and Capacity. Istanbul: Istanbul Policy Center.
• Öney, S. (2019). Mayoral avengers of populism. In: Gazete Duvar English (2019, December 24). URL: https://www.duvarenglish.com/columns/2019/12/24/mayoral-avengers-of-populism/ (last retrieved 5.10.2020).
• Özçetin, B. (2018). Yeni Türkiye’nin tarihle ve kültürle imtihanı: Diriliş Ertuğrul ve gösterdikleri. T24 (2018, April 5), URL: https://t24.com.tr/k24/yazi/dirilis-ertugrul,1693 (last retrieved 8.4.2018).
• Özçetin, B. (2019). Tarihin Kötüye Kullanımları. Popülizm, Nostalji ve Yeni Türkiye’nin Tarihi Dizileri [Abuses of History. Populism, Nostalgia and the Historical TV-Series of New Turkey]. In: Toplumsal Tarih, Vol. 306, Juni 2019, pp. 36-42. Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı.
• Özgür Baklacıoğlu, N. (2015). Between neo-Ottomanist kin policy in the Balkans and Transnational Kin Economics in the EU. In: Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Vol. 14, No. 3, p. 47-72.
• Özgür-Baklacıoğlu, N. (2006). Dual Citizenship, Extraterritorial Elections and National Policies: Turkish Dual Citizens in the Bulgarian-Turkish Political Sphere. In: Ieda, O. (Ed.). Beyond Sovereignty: From Status Law to Transnational Citizenship? 21st Century COE Program Slavic Eurasian Studies No. 9, pp. 319-358 Sapporo: Slavic Research Center/Hokkaido University.
• Öztürk, A. (2020). Turkey’s Soft Power in Southeast Europe during the AKP period. In: Hagemann, C. (Ed.). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey, pp. 29-45. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Öztürk, A. & İ. Gözaydın. (2018). A Frame for Turkey’s Foreign Policy via the Diyanet in the Balkans. In: Journal of Muslims in Europe 7, pp. 331-350.
• Pačariz, S. (2020). Political Implications of the Closer Cooperation Between Serbia and Turkey. In: Hagemann, C. (Ed.). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey, pp. 84-96. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Pekesen, B. (2015). Vergangenheit als Populärkultur: Das Osmanenreich im türkischen Fernsehen der Gegenwart. In: Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History 12 (2015), pp. 140-151.
• Porter, M. E. (1998). Competitive Advantage of Nations. New York: The Free Press.
• Rodrik, D. (2019). What’s Driving Populism? Project Syndicate (2019, July 9). URL: https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/economic-and-cultural-explanations-of-right-wing-populism-by-dani-rodrik-2019-07 (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Rosanvallon, P. (2020). Le Siècle du populisme. Histoire, théorie, critique. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.
• Rudnyckyj, D. (2010). Spiritual Economies: Islam, Globalization, and the Afterlife of Development. Ithaka/London: Cornell University Press.
• Saatçioğlu, B. (2020). Turkey and the EU: Partners or Competitors in the Western Balkans? In: Hagemann, C. (Ed.). Southeast Europe in Focus. External Actors Series: Turkey, pp. 64-72. München: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft.
• Schad, T. (2015). The Rediscovery of the Balkans? A Bosniak-Turkish Figuration in the Third Space Between Istanbul and Sarajevo. Working Paper No: 8 (2015), Istanbul Bilgi University, European Insitute Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence. URL: https://eu.bilgi.edu.tr/media/files/WORKING_PAPER_8-041215.pdf (last retrieved 12.10.2020).
• Schad, T. (2018). A Communicative Figuration Between Sarajevo and Istanbul in the Course of Gentrificating Turkey’s Post-Ottoman Hinterland. Anatoli 9 (Fall 2018), pp. 127-139.
• Schad, T. (2019). Die öffentliche Diplomatie einer kommunikativen Figuration zwischen Sarajevo und Ankara: Das Verhandeln von Sicherheit, Kultur und Verwandtschaft. In: Telbizova-Sack, J. & C. Voß (Eds.). Islam auf dem Balkan: Muslimische Traditionen im lokalen, nationalen und transnationalen Kontext, pp. 149-175. Berlin: Peter Lang.
• Schad, T. (2020). The neo-right wing trend across Europe and Turkey: can coalitions of municipal leaders challenge populism? In: thomasschad.wordpress.com (2020, January 21), URL: https://thomasschad.wordpress.com/2020/01/21/can-coalitions-of-municipal-leaders-challenge-neo-right-wing-populism/ (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Sinani, B. (2017). Islamophobia in Albania: National Report 2016. In: Bayraklı, E. & F. Hafez (Eds.). European Islamophobia Report 2016. Istanbul: SETA, pp. 11-27.
• Sirman, N. (2005). The Making of Familial Citizenship in Turkey. In: Keyman, F. & A. İçduygu (Eds.). Challenges to Citizenship in a Globalizing World: European Questions and Turkish Experiences. London: Routledge.
• Sirman, N. (2008). Die Familisierung der Staatsbürgerschaft in der Türkei, in: Ataç, İ., Küçük, B. & Ulaş Ş. (Eds.): Perspektiven auf die Türkei, pp. 296-320. Münster: Verlag Westfälisches Dampfboot.
• Somay, B. (2019). The Undead Father: The ‚Epic‘ of 15 July as a Gothic Tale. In: Turan, Ö. & F. Çiçekoğlu. (Eds.). The Dubious Case of a Failed Coup: Militarism, Masculinities, and 15 July in Turkey, pp. 141-167. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Stojanović, D. (2017). Populism the Serbian Way. Belgrade: Peščanik.
• Tait, R. (2009). Turkish PM greeted by cheers after Israel debate clash. The Guardian (2009, January 30), URL: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/jan/30/turkish-prime-minister-cheered-davos-row-gaza (retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• Tamkin, E. (2020). How Viktor Orbán turned the Treaty of Trianon into a dangerous political weapon. New Statesman (2020, June 4), URL: https://www.newstatesman.com/world/europe/2020/06/how-viktor-orb-n-turned-treaty-trianon-dangerous-political-weapon (last retrieved 27.11.2020).
• Tecmen, A. (2018). The relations between public diplomacy and nation brands: an investigation of nation branding in Turkey. Working Paper No: 10 (May 2018), Istanbul Bilgi University, European Insitute Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence. URL: https://eu.bilgi.edu.tr/en/news/working-paper-10-the-relations-between-public-dip/ (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Terzi, Ö. (2012). 2000’li yıllarda Türkiye – Avrupa Birliği İlişkileri: Bir Kimlik ve Aidiyet Meselesi, in: Sönmezoğlu, F., Özgür Baklacıoğlu, N. & Ö. Terzi (Eds.): XXI. Yüzyılda Türk Dış Politikasının Analizi, pp. 387-407. Istanbul: Der Yayınları.
• The Democratic Society: Distinguishing between ‘populism’ and ‘nativism’. (2020, July 11). URL: https://vip.politicsmeanspolitics.com/2020/07/11/distinguishing-between-populism-and-nativism/ (last retrieved 16.10.2020).
• Thumann, M. (2015). Erdoğans Scheinboom. Die Zeit (2015, June 6), URL: https://www.zeit.de/2015/23/tuerkei-wirtschaft-recep-tayyip-erdogan-wahl (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Trogisch, C. (2015). 13 Prozent für die Frauen in der Türkei: Feministische Überlegungen zu den Parlamentswahlen am 7. Juni. Zeitschrift LuXemburg. URL: https://www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/13-prozent-fuer-die-frauen-in-der-tuerkei-feministische-ueberlegungen-zu-den-parlamentswahlen-am-7-juni/ (last retrieved 26.10.2018).
• Turan, Ö. & F. Çiçekoğlu. (Eds.). The Dubious Case of a Failed Coup: Militarism, Masculinities, and 15 July in Turkey. Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Türk Dünyası Belediyeler Birliği. Official homepage. URL: http://www.tdbb.org.tr/?lang=tr (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Turska donira 13 miliona KM za završetak izgradnje sjedišta Rijaseta Islamske zajednice u Sarajevu. Klix.ba (2017, September 8), URL: https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/bih/turska-donira-13-miliona-km-za-zavrsetak-izgradnje-sjedista-rijaseta-islamske-zajednice-u-sarajevu/170908070 (last retrieved 27.1.2021).
• Vieten, U. (2020). The „New Normal“ and „Pandemic Populism“: The COVID-19 Crisis and Anti-Hygienic Mobilisation of the Far-Right. In: Social Sciences (MDPI), Vol. 9, No. 165, pp. 1-14.
• Vitrinel, E. (2017). Forced Politicization of Television Celebrities in Turkey. In: Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2017.1367585 10.1080/19448953.2017.1367585
• Wimmer, A. & N. Glick Schiller. (2003). Methodological Nationalism, the Social Sciences, and the Study of Migration: An Essay in Historical Epistemology. In: IMR Volume 37 Number 3 (Fall 2003), pp. 576-610.
• Yanagisako, S. & C. Delaney (Eds.) (1995). Naturalizing Power. Essays in Feminist Cultural Analysis. New York/London: Routledge.
• Yavuz, M. (1998). Turkish identity and foreign policy in flux: The rise of Neo Ottomanism. Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, 7:12, pp. 19-41.
• Ziraat’ten Bosna’da büyük atılım, in: Milliyet (2012, August 6), URL: https://www.milliyet.com.tr/ekonomi/ziraatten-bosnada-buyuk-atilim-1577035 (retrieved: 26.1.2021).
• Zürcher, E. J. (2004). Turkey: A modern history (Third revised Edition). London/New York: I.B.Tauris.